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EUOBSERVER / COMMENT - In 2007, Sheik Tantawi of al Azhar University, Egypt's highest religious authority and closely allied to the regime, issued a fatwa declaring that a journalist filing an incorrect report deserved to be lashed eighty times.

The edict came amid a broader and heavy-handed press crackdown, described by one enraged blogger as "nothing short of a massacre of Egypt's independent press," with editors of four independent newspapers arrested, sentenced and fined. The justification? They were found to be spreading rumours "that are likely to disturb public order" and "insulting the president", including speculating on Mubarak's health problems.

The onslaught against the press last year was by no means limited to Egypt, with a wide variety of journalists harassed, prosecuted and imprisoned throughout the region. While state policy in the Middle East differs widely, ultimately, as Jamel Amer, editor-in-chief of Yemen's al Wasat, declared: "Arab rulers, regardless of their differences, agree on one thing, and that is the way they regard the Arab press - they consider it their sworn enemy."

EU approach flawed
Unfortunately, EU criticism of crackdowns such as that in Egypt has been muted, with the European Parliament's resolution on 17 January proving the exception, not the rule. Its funding for media initiatives is often insufficient, and its approach towards press freedom is somewhat flawed.

We must begin to rethink this lacklustre approach. Greater support for a free and fair public sphere of information is necessary from a civil liberties and human rights point of view. Equally important, an uncensored media can play an important role in bolstering democratic reform – one of the objectives of the Barcelona Process and European Neighbourhood Policy.

Of course, the relationship between the media and democracy, and indeed, democratisation, is a fraught and thorny one. However, experts agree that a suppressed media perpetuates authoritarian rule. An independent media, however, can act as a watchdog on behalf of citizens, exposing misuse of political power, singling out social problems and providing a platform for public debate.

Yet under the various Association Agreements signed with Arab countries, little is budgeted for media-related activities.

Under the Jordan country strategy paper, €5 million is provided, or the equivalent of 0.05 percent of the strategy's overall budget, is channelled towards such schemes. In Morocco, a mere €500,000 is allocated, while the Algeria strategy paper misses entirely the question of press freedom.

The European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) is another instrument that could empower media in the Middle East, especially as projects funded under this umbrella need not be approved by state authorities. Yet such potential is dashed when, as is consistently the case, the projects chosen are ones promoted by regime-affiliated organisations.

One of EIDHR's biggest grants, for example, was given to what was then called the Centre Africain de Perfectionnement des Journalistes et Communicateurs (CAPJC). This organisation was created by the Tunisian government and, later, as its website describes itself: "placed under the authority' of the Ministry of Communications.

Regional instruments attempt to pick up the slack here. Between 2003 and 2006, €12 million were spent on an Information and Communication programme. Unfortunately, programmes launched under its aegis focused on improving the EU's image in MENA countries, which, although a worthy cause, did little to promote Middle Eastern media.

Funding strategies also sometimes seemed to replicate those of the EIDHR, with semi-official newspapers, such as al-Ahram in Egypt, given priority backing, thereby legitimising authoritarian control.

Policy change needed
If the EU is to deliver on its commitment to a free press in the Middle East, certain policy changes need to take place.

Firstly, financial support to this area needs to increase.

Recent developments, such as the allocation of €21.5 million for the Information and Communication Program of 2008 -2010, bode well - so long as a large share is allocated to the MENA region and specifically dedicated to developing a freer press.

Secondly, the EU must speak out against the political repression of journalists, whichever side of the political spectrum they espouse, as long as they shy away from violence. Silence over civil liberty violations only harms the EU's credibility when it champions democratic reform.

Thirdly, especially under the EIDHR, control of projects must be prized out of the hands of those allied with state authorities and placed under the umbrella of international NGOs. As these maintain a distance from the ruling powers, they are more able to publicise harassment of journalists and agitate against press clampdowns. An added benefit is that such organisations are often highly regarded by domestic public opinion, preventing the characterisation of press freedom as a purely Western initiative.

Fourthly, emphasis should be placed on long-term training and education programmes for Arab journalists, and not just symbolic short conferences. As Lawrence Pintak, Director of the Center for Electronic Journalism at the American University in Cairo points out: "Ongoing, mentored projects … have proven to be the most effective – but least common – approach'.

A change in Brussels' approach will not herald an age of unfettered press freedom in the Middle East. Ultimately, the status of the media and role of journalists is largely dependent on the needs and expectations of the rulers. However, the EU can play a strong leading role here, by improving matters in tandem with the values it espouses in the Barcelona Process and the ENP.

In turn, this may make 2008 a better year for Middle Eastern media than 2007.

The author is Senior Fellow for Middle Eastern Studies at the Transatlantic Institute.

[Comment] EU should deepen commitment to free press in the Middle East