[Comment] The EU must focus on the West Bank
DANA MOSS
26.06.2007 @ 21:30 CET
EUOBSERVER / COMMENT - Roughly two weeks ago, Hamas launched what Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak called a ‘coup' against the Mahmoud Abbas-led Fatah movement. After a series of clashes that killed over 100 Palestinians and a rapid collapse of Fatah's forces, Hamas installed itself as Gaza's de-facto rulers.
"As part of the package demonstrating the tangible benefits accruing to Palestinians under the leadership of Fatah as opposed to Hamas, the EU must engage Israel" (Photo: ec.europa.eu)
With Abbas alleging that Hamas leaders have planned his assassination, and Hamas referring to Fatah members as "collaborators" and "kuffars" (infidels), the Unity Government, at least for the moment, appears to be a thing of the past. An effective divide between what has been nicknamed "Hamastan" and the West Bank has taken place – and the current prospects for Palestine look dim.
Preventing an escalation of the situation and a Hamas takeover in the West Bank should be a firm priority in Brussels. There are several short term measures the EU could take right now to reduce this likelihood.
Abbas's position must be bolstered. Hamas is significantly less powerful and popular in the West Bank yet unless Fatah provides tangible changes and benefits there is no guarantee that a similar Hamas domination will not occur here. To this end, the EU (as well as the US and Israel) is to begin unfreezing and transferring to Abbas the funds withheld as a result of Hamas' refusal to recognize Israel and disavow the use of violence.
This, by itself, is insufficient. One of the main reasons Fatah has been losing ground to Hamas has been the rampant corruption and ineffective governance plaguing the organization. The appointment of internationally respected economist Salam Fayyad as Prime Minister is already an encouraging sign that Fatah is aware of what is at stake if it does not reform itself and respond to the economic needs of Palestinians.
However, an injection of funds, without an adequate supervision mechanism, and even the setting of benchmarks to ensure good governance may further encourage corruption. The recent EU decision to provide a technical training program to the Ministry of Finance should only be the first step of many in the campaign to encourage the PA to manage its public finances in line with international standards.
In focusing on internal Fatah reform, the EU must also encourage and empower the Fatah Young Guard, who are often seen as reform-minded and as an antidote to the ineffective and corrupt older leadership. Possible steps here may include liaising through NGO's present on the ground to provide party-aid conferences, similar to the training sessions taking place in the financial sector.
These conferences could highlight the importance of the rule of law, demonstrate means to combat corruption and suggest mechanisms for handling disputes internally, all of which are absent in Fatah and contribute to the movement's lack of popularity. By going through a third-party, the EU can both strengthen democratic commitment within Fatah and avoid branding the younger activists as "collaborators" who are subservient to the West. Other moves may involve insisting on the inclusion of the Young Guard in upcoming diplomatic events.
As part of the package demonstrating the tangible benefits accruing to Palestinians under the leadership of Fatah as opposed to Hamas, the EU must engage Israel. Possible steps to ease the movement of people and commerce in the West Bank must be explored, as long as Israel's security concerns (especially the possibility that Hamas may use this as a window for launching attacks and derailing the process) are addressed, perhaps in conjunction with Palestinian security forces.
Other measures may include supporting the release of prisoners, especially Marwan Barghouti, an idea floated by Kadima MP Gideon Ezra. Barghouti was imprisoned for masterminding attacks on Israeli civilians. Whilst the criminality of his actions must be acknowledged, he is reported to have played a central part in the appointment of Fayyad as prime minister and releasing him would give a necessary boost to Fatah by demonstrating that they can deliver on important national issues.
Addressing the influx of arms into Gaza is also of pivotal importance. Weapons have been smuggled from Egypt across the Sinai border and the Philadelphia corridor into the hands of Hamas to be used against Fatah and Israel. Currently, the EU has an observer mission of 90 police officers monitoring the Gaza-Egypt border (EUBAM).
Recognizing the political capital is just not available for anything other than observer status, the EU could still stand to increase its manpower here, helping to maintain pressure on both Hamas and Egypt. At the same time, the EU could extend its financial assistance programs in that part of Egypt to provide greater employment opportunities and thereby discourage people from resorting to smuggling.
The EU should also discourage the extra-judicial actions of Fatah militia men against Hamas, such as the looting and burning of Hamas offices, as well as the inflammatory public statements coming from Ramallah. Such deeds and words make Fatah appear lawless and unable to govern and can only increase discord and factionalism.
Lastly, with respect to Gaza, the EU must ensure that humanitarian assistance continues to reach the Strip. A further deterioration here will help fuel al-Qaeda elements already present in the Strip, such as Jaysh al Islam, who kidnapped British journalist Alan Johnson. We cannot afford to give up on Gaza because it will only fuel the most radical of the challenges we face in the Middle East.
The author is senior fellow for Middle Eastern Studies at The Transatlantic Institute
