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Israeli president Isaac Herzog (l) meets German chancellor Friedrich Merz at the Berlin chancellory on 12 May 2025 (Photo: Israel ministry of foreign affairs)

Opinion

Germany's Muslims and Israel

While there is strong interest in how German and European citizens view foreign affairs, there is still reluctance to understand — and distinguish — how naturalised migrants, especially Muslim citizens, perceive their countries' stances on key international and regional issues.

This is particularly evident when European governments take military action, intervene, or adopt diplomatic stances toward Muslim-majority nation, whether in past cases like Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya or more recent contexts such as Iran and Gaza. 

The recent incident in which dozens of Iranian activists and intellectuals filed a complaint with Germany's federal court, challenging German chancellor Friedrich Merz’s remarks praising Israel for “doing the dirty work for all of us” in its military strikes on Iran clearly highlights the growing disconnect between Germany’s official stance and the sentiments of its migrant citizens.

Ignoring Muslims’ perspectives and political attitudes impacts not only migrants, but also the cohesion, democratic integrity, and stability of European societies as a whole.

Regardless of whether one agrees today that “Islam belongs to Germany,” about five to six million Muslims live there — nearly three million of them German citizens — comprising six to seven percent of the population.

With 25.8 million Muslims across Europe (4.9 percent), Germany, like much of Europe, is no longer a homogeneous society.

Although Germany's diversity is largely shaped by immigration, its foreign policy fails to represent the views and concerns of its Muslim migrant population.

This is evident in relation to Israel, its military operations and intervention in Gaza and Iran. 

Frustration over this exclusion is largely prevented from surfacing in public discourse and protests, as Germany’s stringent preventive antisemitism policies tend to suppress criticism of Israel and its government.

Restrictions, bans, and raids

Several Muslim politicians and even civil servants have been pressured to resign after criticising Israel’s disproportionate military actions in Gaza. German authorities have restricted protests, banned pro-Palestinian events and speakers, raided activists' homes, and prohibited Palestinian symbols.

Amnesty International urges Germany to end these crackdowns and adopt a human rights–based approach. 

Germany’s legal and institutional measures against antisemitism, including laws against Holocaust denial and hate speech, and initiatives like the federal commissioner and national strategy, are rooted in Germany’s historical responsibility towards Jews and the state of Israel.

While rooted in moral commitment, these policies today raise complex questions, particularly regarding their implications for freedom of expression and Germany’s strong and largely unconditional diplomatic and military alignment with Israel.

This seems to have led to growing concern and dissatisfaction among Germany’s Muslim citizens, which is often not publicly admitted. This dissatisfaction seems to be much higher compared to those already reported among native Germans. 

Fear of prosecution and legal consequences, including possible loss of citizenship, has led many German Muslims to avoid publicly criticising the government’s stance on Israel’s military actions and civilian casualties in Gaza — despite it being a major concern within Muslim migrant communities.

Counterproductive strategy?

This raises the question: does Germany’s approach truly prevent antisemitism, or is it ultimately counterproductive?

When freedom of expression is restricted and protests are criminalised, people are left with few legitimate ways to express themselves. Suppressed feelings often find other outlets — sometimes peaceful, but sometimes violent. As Gordon W. Allport noted, violence is often preceded by the institutionalisation of hatred and negative attitudes.

Many seem to have forgotten that ISIS, one of the most brutal movements in recent history — emerged largely as a consequence of the US invasion of Iraq. The group attracted significant numbers of Muslim youth from Europe, frustrated by the domestic and foreign policies of their own governments.

Today, it is imperative to prevent the resurgence of similar anti-Western sentiments and movements by rethinking our current approach.

Although violent incidents in Germany and elsewhere are often attributed to failed integration policies, little attention is paid to the host countries’ shortcomings in embracing heterogeneity and responding fairly and effectively to the recognition and accommodation of diversity.

Migrant integration is frequently viewed solely as a domestic policy issue, managed by ministries of migration, refugee affairs, or similar agencies responsible for its development and implementation.

However, what is often overlooked in this process is the role of foreign policy and external political actions, which can significantly influence the sense of belonging among citizens with migration backgrounds.

Many feel alienated when foreign policy fails to fairly reflect their perspectives on international issues or contradicts their cultural, religious, or ethnic heritage.  

A balanced foreign policy that takes into account the views of Muslim communities on global and regional issues can strengthen national cohesion.

This can be achieved through meaningful consultation and engagement with religious leaders and mosques.

Notably, the German Islam Conference, established in 2006, has not been mandated to advise on such sensitive foreign policy matters, an opportunity that remains largely untapped. 

Ensuring Muslims feel heard and represented in policy discourse reduces the appeal of extremist narratives, helps prevent youth radicalisation, and counters the risk of diaspora communities being exploited by countries of origin during times of crisis.


This year, we turn 25 and are looking for 2,500 new supporting members to take their stake in EU democracy. A functioning EU relies on a well-informed public – you.


Disclaimer

The views expressed in this opinion piece are the author’s, not those of EUobserver

Author Bio

Dr. Mojib Rahman Atal is an Afghan-German migration expert with a PhD in migration studies from the University of Erlangen–Nuremberg and worked with various German organisations in Afghanistan before relocating and resettling in Germany. He has evaluated the German federal government’s civil engagement in Afghanistan and is the author of the book Institutional Violence Against Afghan Refugees in Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden.

 

Israeli president Isaac Herzog (l) meets German chancellor Friedrich Merz at the Berlin chancellory on 12 May 2025 (Photo: Israel ministry of foreign affairs)

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Author Bio

Dr. Mojib Rahman Atal is an Afghan-German migration expert with a PhD in migration studies from the University of Erlangen–Nuremberg and worked with various German organisations in Afghanistan before relocating and resettling in Germany. He has evaluated the German federal government’s civil engagement in Afghanistan and is the author of the book Institutional Violence Against Afghan Refugees in Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden.

 

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