On Thursday evening (6 June), French president Emmanuel Macron organised an interview on French public television to address the threats to Europe. He talked about Ukraine and Russia, about Palestine and Israel – but most of all he pleaded with French voters not to vote for the far right in the upcoming election. Because that, he said, would be a dangerous choice.
Far-right top candidate Jordan Bardella (National Rally) is reaching 33 percent of voting intentions in polls, while Macron’s governing coalition has fallen to 16 percent.
The interviewers tried to get an answer to whether or not he would listen to the voters' “critique”. He called that political fiction. Then they asked him if it was really his role, as a president, to meddle in the European elections.
“To address the Europeans at the moment we live, it is essential for the path for the life of our country and the path for our nation,” he said.
As Macron crossed The Louvre’s courtyard in May 2017, the European hymn Ode to happiness was blasted on the speakers. For the first time as president, he thanked them for their confidence.
Well aware that not every one had voted for him – many not even as a second option – he particularly addressed the fact that National Rally's leader Marine Le Pen and the far right had obtained an historic electoral success.
“I will do everything the coming five years so that there will no longer be any reason to vote for the extremes”, the fresh French president said back then. He pointed out that it would be a difficult task to achieve, but he believed that he would eventually reconcile the French.
According to what the president said to French daily newspaper Le Figaro back in 2016, the rise of the far right was what once drove him into politics.
The 2002 presidential elections saw the National Front (today’s National rally) founder Jean-Marie Le Pen reach the second round. That caused such an outrage and sense of indignation in Macron, he told Le Figaro, that it made him engage politically.
Nevertheless, after his first full five-year mandate, Macron once again ran against the far-right candidate Le Pen. She had now advanced to be a stronger opponent.
In addition, another, and even more radical far-right party – Reconquête – had emerged in France while the traditional right-wing party, The Republicans, in their turn, had adopted far more rightwing policies as well as officially endorsing “the Great Replacement” theory — an originally antisemitic conspiracy theory, based on the idea that ethnic Europeans were being demographically replaced by non-Western foreigners.
The far right had not been curbed – it was rising.
The first Macron-Le Pen battle was won by Macron with 66-34 percent, and the second with 60-40. Le Pen wasn't close to winning the second time either – but Macron was not nearly as triumphant the second time. Then, in the following parliamentary elections, his party lost its majority.
Most of his voters had cast their ballots against her rather than for him.
Macron had done exactly as promised. He had created a pragmatic, European en même temps way forward that should have given “all Citizens something to be pleased about”, as he told Le Parisien. He had made gender equality his “main cause” and fostered a “Citizens Convention for the Climate”, giving 150 randomly selected citizens time and resources, together with experts and research, to reach a green path ahead for France – two decisions made to please the green left.
At the same time, he had tried to give the French right-wing what they wanted – like a minister of the interior from the Republicans: hardliner Gérald Darmanin who made himself a name by banning allegedly extremist associations – covering everything from violent extreme right groups, and Islamic juridic rights associations, to climate activists.
Darmanin stood in the front line when police violently put down anti-government protests led by the Yellow Vests movement, resulting in 82 seriously wounded protesters – 17 who lost an eye and four who lost a hand.
However, neither the green left nor the feminists were content with what they “got” from the president. Gender equality as the great cause for both his terms was welcomed – but “there is no additional funding,” according to the feminist organisation Osez le féminisme. And more than half of the proposals from the Citizens Assembly for the Climate were dropped while the remaining were watered down.
At the same time, Macron's power practice has sometimes bordered on authoritarianism. The controversial pensions reform was forced through parliament without a vote – a reform symbolically pushed through by the only female prime minister of Macron’s, and the second ever in France: the “woman from the left”, socialist Élisabeth Borne.
She was France’s prime minister for 20 months before being replaced by the current “mini-Macron” Gabriel Attal.
“It’s like they said, ok so now we’ve had a woman as prime minister for 20 months, that’s good, that’s done. Now let's go back to normal. The next will be a man,” Borne said months later.
The en même temps tactic has sometimes leaned so much to the right that the French left believe his stance really is “right and far right – at the same time”.
Like his bill to combat Islamic radicalism, initially pitched as a way to combat “separatism”, and eventually also the very controversial bill on migration, labelled by Le Pen as “a victory” – but too soft.
Macron took pride in this ability to see beyond ideological apriorism and see all sides of the issues. He was neither left nor right – he was both. Or neither.
Voters will judge on Sunday.
Emma Sofia Dedorson is a Paris-based journalist covering politics, culture and society in France, Spain and Italy.
Emma Sofia Dedorson is a Paris-based journalist covering politics, culture and society in France, Spain and Italy.