Wealthy Russian tourists are flocking back to Italy, France, and Spain — despite the Ukraine war and EU allies' security fears.
Italy issued 152,254 Schengen area visas at its two Russian consulates last year (according to EU Commission figures) - almost 19,000 more than in 2023.
France issued 123,890 visas in 2024 (25,000 more) and Spain 111,537 (15,000 more).
The Schengen travel zone covers 25 EU countries plus Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, and Switzerland.
Russian trips to Europe nosedived after the EU froze a visa-free deal and imposed aviation sanctions in 2022 due to Russia's full invasion of Ukraine.
But 2024 figures showed a clear rebound, with 552,630 new Schengen visas issued overall, some nine percent more than in 2023.
Greece (59,703 visas last year) and Hungary (23,382) also welcomed Russians with open arms.
It costs about €1,000 to fly return from Moscow to Paris or Rome, usually via Turkey or the UAE, on top of visa fees and hotel costs.
This is more than most Russians' monthly salaries, making EU travel a luxury affair.
Less well-off Russians went to Egypt and Turkey, or to (Russian-occupied) Crimea in Ukraine, Sochi on Russia's Black Sea coast, and Russia's Altai region instead.
But what Russians called their 'golden youth' (fashion influencers, oligarchs' kids, and pop stars) routinely posted flashy selfies on Instagram from trips to Paris and Courchevel in France, Sardinia in Italy, or Ibiza in Spain, despite the Ukraine war and Russia's toxic anti-Western propaganda.
The list included Ksenya Borodyna, Ida Galich, Dana Manasir, Nikita Mazepin, Olga Orlova, and Ksenya Sobchak, in a glimpse into the EU lifestyles of Russia's party crowd.
Regular Russian travellers also posted EU holiday videos on YouTube as souvenirs and status symbols.
And while the EU Commission figures covered work and study visas as well as tourism, the bulk of the mass-scale visits were pleasure trips.
"Russian tourists [who make it to the EU] will, on average, be wealthier than European tourists," said Jamie Shea, a former senior Nato official.
"European resorts like them [Russians] because they buy properties at exorbitant rates, stay in expensive hotels instead of Airbnbs, and spend money in boutique shops," he said.
"Russians don't do picnics," Shea said.
France said it's also good for Russia relations.
"People-to-people relations and cultural ties can play a positive role in fostering mutual understanding and dialogue between populations," the French EU and foreign affairs ministry told EUobserver in an emailed statement.
"We work hard at maintaining a differentiation between the [Russian] regime responsible for the [Ukraine] war and the population, its civil society, and the opposition," it said.
"It is essential to maintain this window, to enable Russian society to get access to a plurality of reliable sources of information," it added.
And Emily Ferris, from the Royal United Services Institute (Rusi), a defence think-tank in London, echoed the French view.
"I've travelled widely in Russia and to tar an entire nation for the decisions of its leader is unfair," she said.
"Russians aren't responsible for what their government does and they don't make foreign policy decisions," Ferris said.
The Italian and Spanish foreign ministries didn't reply to EUobserver.
But the numbers showed that French, Italian, Spanish, Greek, and Hungarian visa policy was diametrically opposed to the approach of EU states which bordered Russia, or which had a record of recent Russian sabotage attacks.
Russian tourism was "in no way justified in a situation where Russia continues the war in Ukraine and simultaneously intensifies hybrid activities against EU countries," the Estonian foreign ministry told this website, for one.
Czech foreign minister Jan Lipavský also told EUobserver: "Russian intelligence services have a long history of exploiting uncontrolled travel flows, including tourism, as part of their tactics".
For its part, Russia-bordering Finland issued just 3,211 Schengen visas in Russia last year (some 7,500 fewer than in 2023).
The three Baltic states issued 3,882 in total and Poland merely 251.
Bulgaria issued 11,815 visas in 2024, but this was the steepest individual fall (by over 36,000) of any EU country, while the Czech Republic granted just 148.
The Baltic states, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Finland, Germany, Poland, Romania, and Sweden all saw Russia-linked sabotage incidents in the past three years.
And even Germany, which was home to the EU's largest Russian diaspora, has pulled up the drawbridge.
Germany issued 17,202 visas to Russians last year, which was also an increase, but still tiny compared to pre-Ukraine war and pre-Covid levels of almost 300,000.
The French authorities said they had security risks under control.
"France takes security concerns very seriously, especially when it comes to Russian aggression against Ukraine and the risk of foreign interference in our country," the French ministry said.
"We issue visas on a case-by-case basis for individual tourists from Russia, depending on the situation of each applicant and in full compliance with European rules," it said.
France also backed Lipavský's proposal to limit the Schengen travel freedoms of Russian diplomats accredited in EU capitals in order to stymie cross-border espionage, the French ministry added.
"France supports the Czech proposal and has been supporting it for a long time," it said.
But the Russian threat looked different from Paris or Rome than from Tallinn or Warsaw, said Shea, who now teaches war studies at Exeter University in the UK.
"It's less likely that Russian tourists going to more Russia-friendly countries like Spain, Italy, or Greece will be engaged in this kind of hybrid tourism warfare, which Russia tends to reserve for its more dedicated opponents, like the UK or the Baltic states," he said.
Even if Russia never hurt anyone in France or Italy, mass tourism posed other threats, warned Steven Blockmans, from the Centre for European Policy Studies (Ceps), a think-tank in Brussels.
"Professional spies aside, some Russian citizens may be pressured or incentivised ... to use their smartphones to map critical [EU] infrastructure, observe troop movements, or conduct other pre-operational surveillance," he said.
And given that a French or Italian-issued Schengen visa gave Russians pan-European access, one EU official echoed the Czech sense of alarm.
The French, Italians, and Spanish were "greedy, greedy, greedy" for tourist money and showed a "basic lack of solidarity" with frontline allies, the EU official said.
Security questions aside, Lipavský also debunked France's culture diplomacy.
"Let's be honest, spending holidays on Mediterranean beaches is not a meaningful form of people-to-people contact. We won't change the Kremlin's stance through tourism," he said.
Shea said serious student exchange programmes might move Russian hearts and minds, but "a quick guided tour around San Marco [square] in Venice does not convert a bunch of average tourists ... more like ticking a box on a bucket list".
Ceps' Blockmans said: "Catering for large-scale [Russian] tourism equates to being politically tone-deaf during wartime".
The French ministry said they were "working with [our] European partners to ensure a coordinated and coherent response".
The Estonian ministry said its harsher restrictions "should apply throughout the EU".
But Rusi's Ferris said: "[Schengen] open borders come with risks, also for criminality — there's always a danger that people might slip through the net from the Russian side".
The EU Commission issued non-binding "guidelines" on restricting Russian travel in 2022, but declined to answer when asked by EUobserver if it planned further action.
The former EU home affairs commissioner, Sweden's Ylva Johansson, said last November that EU visa rules should be made "sharper" for security reasons.
"It is important that consulates thoroughly verify whether applicants could be considered to be a threat to public policy, internal security, or to the international relations of any of the member states," the current commission visa guidelines said.
The EU official said: "There's new voices [in EU circles] about making the [2022] guidelines legally-binding, so maybe there's something in the works, and they [the commission] don't want to spook France or Italy by going public with it too early".
"Who knows, maybe 2025 will be the EU and Russia's last golden summer?," he said.
Sergi Pijuan contributed to this report
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Elena is EUobserver's editor-in-chief. She is from Spain and has studied journalism and new media in Spanish and Belgian universities. Previously she worked on European affairs at VoteWatch Europe and the Spanish news agency EFE.
Elena is EUobserver's editor-in-chief. She is from Spain and has studied journalism and new media in Spanish and Belgian universities. Previously she worked on European affairs at VoteWatch Europe and the Spanish news agency EFE.